不自由,毋宁死!(帕特里克·亨利于1775年3月23日在为维吉尼亚议会演讲)
图:我不知道别人会采取什么理由;至于我,不自由,毋宁死!
作者:帕特里克·亨利 翻译:江铭辉
演讲来由
1775年美国将与英国开战,争取独立的时候,维吉尼亚的派瑞克.亨利一次在当地议会中演说的最后一句话:「我不自由,毋宁死」。
美国独立战争是希望北美各英国殖民地能独立自主。战争原因来至与英国本土因利益之间的冲突而爆发。
维吉尼亚也是英国殖民地,被迫决定他们的态度。这时亨利认为向英国请求与妥协的时代已经过去,美州人民必须勇敢地拿起武器站起来,为自由而战。于是大声疾呼道:「空口说白话又有什么用呢?如果只终日在叫和平,和平还是虚无飘渺,看不见踪影。独立战争火苗已引燃了。正由北方向南方吹来,我们的同志已经踏上了战场,为什么我们仍旧袖手旁观呢?究竟你们想要什么呢?诚然,生命诚宝贵,自由价更高,如果我们不奋勇抵抗,就会被锁炼捆绑,沦为奴隶,能够享用它们吗?你们究竟如何做,我不知道。对我而言:「不自由,毋宁死」
演讲翻译
我比任何人更钦佩刚刚在议会上发言各位先生的爱国精神和才能。但是,对同一事物的看法往往因人而异。因此,尽管我的观点与他们截然不同,但我将毫无保留、自由地提出我的观点。现在也没有时间讲客套话了,议会当前面临的问题是国家立即的存亡。对我来说,完全是自由与奴役的问题;由于问题的严重性,我们要毫无约束的自由辩论。只有这样,我们才有希望获知真相,才能不辜负上帝和国家赋予我们的伟大责任。在此时刻,如果我还怕冒犯别人忍住不说出我的意见,我认为就是叛国,就是对比世间所有国君更为神圣的上帝不忠的行为。
主席先生,对希望抱有幻觉是人之天性。我们易于闭起眼睛不愿正视痛苦的实情,只好倾听海妖诱惑的歌声,让她把我们化作禽兽。有理智的人难道不该为自由而卖力奋斗吗?难道我们一点也不愿意对自由暂时伸出援手,而宁愿成为有眼睛不看,有耳朵不听的人吗?就我而言,无论精神上痛苦的代价有多高,我仍然愿意了解全部事实真相和最坏的事态,并做好充分准备。
我只是一盏灯。一盏指引我方向的经验之灯。除了过去的经验外,我没有别的方法可以判断未来。依据过去的经验判断,我倒希望知道,10年来英国政府的统治,凭什么足以使各位先生满怀希望,乐于慰藉自己和议会?它不就是最近接受我们请愿时给我们的那种阴险微笑吗?
先生,请不要相信这种微笑,它将证明是你身边的陷阶。不要被亲吻出卖自己吧!请自问,他们接受我们请愿时的和气亲善能和遍布我们土地上的大规模备战相称吗?爱护与和解,有必要动用战舰和军队吗?难道我们已经表示不愿意和解吗?以至为了赢回我们的爱,而必须诉诸武力吗?我们不要再欺骗自己了,先生。这些都是战争和征服的工具;国王最后诉求的理由。我要问各位先生,这些军队部署如果不是为了迫使我们就范,那又意味着什么?哪位先生能够指出有其他动机?在世界的这个角,难道大不列颠还有其他的敌人值得它集结起庞大的海、陆军吗?不,先生,它没有其他敌人了。它们指向的不是别人,正指向我们。他们是派来给我们铐牢英国政府长期以来锻铸的锁链。
我们应该如何抵抗呢?还尝试辩论吗?先生,我们已经持续辩论10年了。对这问题我们有任何新的提议吗?没有。我们已经考虑各种可能的方向,但一切都是枉然。难道我们还要诉诸垦求,谦逊哀求吗?难道我们还有什么更好的条款没有使用过吗?先生,我垦求你们,不要再自欺欺人了。先生,为了避免这场即将来临的风暴,一切该做的都已经做了。我们请愿过,我们抗议过,我们恳求过;我们跪在英王前,恳成他制止国会和内阁的暴虐行径。我们的请愿遭到蔑视,我们的抗议引起更多的镇压和侮辱,我们的哀求不受尊重。我们在御座遭到羞辱。这些都徒劳无功之后,我们还会沉迷于和平和顺从的希望呢?
希望不再存在了。假如我们希望有自由,如果我们想维护长期以来奋斗神圣、宝贵的基本人权,假如我们不愿低贱地放弃我们多年来的崇高斗争,我们发誓如果没有打赢圣获得光荣目标,我们绝不放弃。我们必须战斗!先生,我再重复一遍,我们必须战斗!诉诸武力和万能上帝赐给我们一切。
先生,他们说我们太懦弱了,无法抵抗如此可怕的敌人。但是我们什么时候才能更强壮?是下周,还是明年?难道要等到我们全部被解除武装,家家户户都驻扎英国士兵的时候?束手无策就聚起力量吗?难道我们懒惰的躺着背、抱着虚幻的希望,待到敌人捆住了我们的手、脚,尚未找到有效的抵抗方法?
先生,只要我们妥善地利用上帝赐给我们的自然力量,我们并不懦弱。一旦数万人民在自己的国家为神圣的自由武装起来,那么敌人任何力量都无法征服我们,此外,先生,这次战役我们并非孤立的,主宰着各国的命运的公正上帝,他将号召朋友们为我们而战。先生,战争的胜利并非只属于强者。它将属于那些战战兢兢、主动和勇敢的人们。阿况,先生,我们已经别无选择。即使我们没有骨气,想退出战斗,也为时已晚。没有退路,只有屈辱和奴役。敌人已锻造好我们的枷锁。叮当的声可以在波士顿草原上听到。战争是不可避免--让它来吧!我重复一遍,先生,让它来吧!
先生,企图使事态减轻是徒劳无功的。绅士们可以高喊:和平!和平!但并不和平。战争其实已开打。北方吹起的下一阵大风会将武器的厮杀声传到我们的耳朵。我们的弟兄已经准备好奔赴战场!为什么我们还呆呆站这里?绅士们你想要什么?敌人将得到什么?如此可贵的生命,或如此甜蜜的和平,可以用镣铐和奴役的代价所收买吗?全能的上帝啊!我不知道别人会采取什么理由;至于我,不自由,毋宁死!
原文
Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death
Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775.
No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!